Why Did North America Win the Civil War?

Why Did North America Win the Civil War? Reasons for the North’s victory in the American Civil War are manifold, and it is unwise for the historian to attribute total decisiveness to any one reason. Abraham Lincoln’s inspirational leadership; greater industrial wealth and manpower; superior military strategy; the possession of a powerful Navy; the introduction of black soldiers into their ranks; the decision of European nations not to recognize the Confederate’s secession: all of these reasons and many others are argued to have been decisive for the North’s victory. The wise historian seeks to view the effect of these reasons in combination rather than as separate influences. To take one instance, the North’s naval blockade of Confederate ports was crucial for suffocating the export power and economy of the South, but this tactic was greatly strengthened by the decision of Britain not to break to blockade. Or to take another example: from the outset the North had far greater manpower than the South, but this advantage was consolidated by the incorporation of black slaves into that pool of manpower and by conscription policies that drew upon this manpower more effectively than those of the South. This essay then measures these various reasons in toto, asking how each affected the other and how ultimately they combined to prove decisive. * * * * * Historians on all sides agree that President Lincoln’s leadership during the American Civil War was a dominant reason for the Union’s ultimate victory. Lincoln’s political acumen and diplomatic skill, his knowledge of military strategy, his judgment on all fronts, and above all his moral authority and vigor made him indispensable to the Union’s cause. What is more, there was something unique in Lincoln’s dedication to the Union. In a certain sense he was the Union or at least a powerful symbol for it. Lincoln’s famous phrase ‘My paramount objective is to save the Union’[1] could be a motif that resonated throughout the North, and his unique commitment to the office of the President, to the Constitution and to the principle of democracy were of inestimable benefit to the continued conviction and morale of the North’s troops and civilians and to their various successes. None of Lincoln’s wartime acts was more consequential than when he issued the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1863. By declaring the freedom of all the slaves of the Confederacy, Lincoln transformed the American Civil War from what was originally a contest to maintain the Union into a struggle for freedom and democracy. This united the North in a moral purpose and gave solidity and resilience to the Union. Whilst Lincoln’s military decisions were often shrewd and decisive, it was his courageous legislative and constitutional decisions that contributed most to the North’s victory. Lincoln had campaigned for his presidency with the promise of pursuing democracy and legitimate government; yet the circumstances of the war forced him to threaten these beloved principles for the duration of the war. Lincoln put into abeyance habeas corpus, called-up the militia, manipulated the press, made declarations of martial law where it could not strictly be justified milita rily, allocated finance before congressional approval, suppressed draft riots with soldiers, and issued many other measures like these. Lincoln’s made extraordinary use of these executive powers and yet was not seduced by them. Thus he had a perhaps unique resistance to the temptations of personal power and this shone out to his soldiers and citizens who viewed him as a noble commander for whom they would willingly fight and die. By this strong and vigorous leadership President Lincoln stood for many people as an emblem of the Union itself. Lincoln also had a genius to peer beyond the implications of the Civil War for the Union alone. He detected in the conflict as few men could the larger future issue of democracy in the civilized world. Lincoln understood that the Union represented to many Europeans and others a symbol of democratic expectation and promise: the defeat of the Union in America would threaten the growth of democracy elsewhere in the world. He wrote: ‘T his is essentially a people’s contest †¦ to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry out an election can suppress a rebellion; and ballots are the rightful successors to bullets’[2] and this conviction sustained his leadership through many crises. It is of course a conviction whose widest implications were known only to Lincoln himself. The effect of Lincoln’s leadership upon the war was strengthened by the quality of his generals and their superior military strategy. Pre-eminent amongst his generals was one man: Ulysses S. Grant. The outcome of the contest between General Grant and General Robert E. Lee was decisive for the North’s final victory. At the outset of the war Grant captured Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, won the battle of Battle of Shiloh and saved the surrounded Union forces at Chattanooga. These early victories led President Abraham Lincoln to appoint General Grant as lieutenant general or commander-in-chief of all Union forces – a rank specially created by Congress or him. General Grant’s military strategy was characterized by the distribution of his troops over wide areas and their coordinated attack upon several Confederate positions simultaneously. This theme emerged most strongly in Grant’s famous Overland Campaign against General Lee’s forces which commen ced in May 1864. Grant’s cleverly diverse strategies were difficult for the Confederate forces to predict: Grant his attacks between direct assaults, prolonged sieges and rapid counter-attacks. Grant’s military style was described as ‘that of a bull dog’ because he forever pressed forward, refusing to submit until the enemy had been defeated or surrendered. This tactic led to the slaughter of tens of thousands of General Grant’s men and to him being called ‘the butcher’; historians agree however that General Grant’s use of these tactics – and President Lincoln’s indulgence of them – were essential for breaking down the Confederate forces and for finally overcoming them. Moreover, General Grant was perhaps the first general in American history to glimpse the concept of ‘total warfare’ whereby it was necessary to destroy an enemy’s economic foundations – factories, farmlands, industri es etc., as well as to defeat them in battle. The strategies employed by General Grant in the Overland Campaign finally proved decisive when he fought to a draw at the Battle of the Wilderness and the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, before finally forcing General Lee’s surrender at the Appomattox Court House April 9, 1865. * * * * The superior natural resources and manpower of the North meant from the outset that they were likely – if there was no foreign intervention – to win the war rapidly and with relatively light casualties. In 1860 the twenty-two states that would later continue in the Union had a total population of 22 million; the eleven states of the Confederacy had a population of 9 million (4 million of whom were slaves). In simple military terms this meant that the North had a far larger reservoir of manpower from which to draw either volunteer or conscript soldiers. Moreover, the North boosted its numbers by assimilating large numbers of black slaves who escaped from the southern states. The North had the further advantage of a superior railway system which allowed them to swiftly transfer troops from one battlefield to another. Moreover, the South made serious errors in its policies of conscription. At the beginning of the war the Confederate made the decision to rely upon volunteer soldiers for its armies. One historian wrote of the consequences of this decision that ‘Conscription would have been less odious if it had been made the excusive policy of raising armies at the outset †¦ It might have been regarded as a scientific way of allocating the man power of the country and distributing fairly the burdens of war’ (Moore, 1963). When the South belatedly turned to conscription men felt bitter and acrimonious about the policy; yet had it been issued at the outset it might have been received more favorably. The North was fortunate in its policy of conscription. They too had the eloquent appeals of President Lincoln with which to recruit new soldiers. In February 1861 Lincoln declared If all do not join now to save the good old ship of the Union this voyage nobody will have a chance to pilot her on another voyage.[3] This was an ominous warning that boosted recruitment significantly. Anticipating a rapid victory the North conscripted its soldier s for a three-month period only; whereas the South demanded one year’s service. Neither three-months nor one year were of course adequate to meet the needs of either army, but whereas southern fighters became disillusioned with the length of their conscription, the Union’s soldiers often gladly signed to fight again after their initial short period of conscription. This had a tremendous effect upon morale. In July 1861 after the first Bull Run the Union’s forces had suffered heavy defeats and the Union’s soldiers feared that their lives and properties would be threatened if they chose not to re-enlist. This necessity supplied President Lincoln with 500,000 extra troops at the vital moment. The South however convinced by the Bull Run that it was assured victory delayed for the whole summer and autumn the introduction of a policy of re-enlistment; thus when conscription was implemented through force in November Confederate soldiers were thoroughly demoraliz ed by being called to fight again. The Confederate Provisional Congress introduced the inept and foolish ‘bounty and furlough act’ in Dec. 11 1861 which gave generous but confusing freedoms to soldiers who chose to re-enlist. This incompetent decision disrupted the organization of the Confederate armies at a dangerous moment and weakened them considerably. The Confederate however weakened its potential manpower base by prohibiting the incorporation of its 4 million black slaves into its ranks for most of the war. The North was also highly industrialized in comparison to the South, and this allowed the North to produce munitions and military equipment that should have sustained and proved decisive against the largely agricultural economy of the South. To many historians it seems remarkable that the American Civil War lasted four years given the economic and manpower supremacy of the North. The Confederate however had the vital advantage that it needed only to protect its territory to assure victory (it could declare independence if the North remitted); the North however needed to attack. This attack consumed far greater resources that those needed for the defence of the southern states, and this is the principal reason why the conflict was so protracted. Eventually the superior supplies, industry and manpower of the North proved decisive. * * * * * ‘I never saw such fighting as was done by the Negro regiment †¦ The question that the negroes will fight is settled; besides they make much better soldiers in every respect than any other troops I have ever had under my command’ (Union General Blunt)[4] A principal reason for North’s victory in the American Civil War was their early realization that by incorporating black soldiers into their forces they would gain a vital manpower advantage over the South. In contrast, the Confederate’s slothful and belated realization of the need to enlist black soldiers was a strong contribution to their defeat. Historians estimate that as many as 180,000 black soldiers, in 163 units, were assimilated into the Union ranks during the American Civil War (McPherson, 1982) – and numerous others joined the Union Navy. This number represents as much as 10% of the Union’s total armed forces. The participation and influence of black forces in the war was enabled on July17, 1862, when Congress initiated two Acts permitting the enrollment of black soldiers in the armed forces; though official enlistment began in September of that year after the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation. The Union forces swiftly comprehended the importance of this decision and began to enlist black soldiers and sailors in large numbers. This enlistment was hindered however by the Union’s (and Confederate’s) prejudiced assumption that blacks would not be courageous and valiant soldiers. As General Blunt’s words tell, this assumption was quickly overturned amongst Union generals when black regiments were involved in a series of victorious battles against Confederate forces. The 1st Kansas Colored Volunteers were a powerful example of the influence that black soldiers could have upon the outcome of the war: contributing greatly to the success of the Battle of Island Mound, the Battle of Port Hudson, the battle of Honey Springs and many others. Perhaps the most significant single contribution of black soldiers to the war was when on July 17, 1863, they led the assault of the 54th Massachusetts against Fort Wagner. The desire of black soldiers to enlist in the Union forces was enhanced when Confederate forces committed atrocities against black such as the one at Fort Pillow. Events such as these, coupled with the existing idea amongst black slaves that the Union was fighting partly for their emancipation, led far greater numbers of black soldiers to join the Union than the Confederate. In sharp comparison, the Confederate army reacted viscously to the idea that black soldiers could play a decisive role in the outcome of the war. Although sixty to ninety-three thousand (Glathaar, 1996) blacks were involved in the Confederate in some form or another, the overwhelming majority of these were in non-fighting positions – musicians, cooks, cleaners and so on. Only at the end of the war did the Confederate wake up to the huge pool of manpower that they had thus far ignored. Indeed, for most of the war the participation of black soldiers in Confederation forces was legally prohibited. President Jefferson Davis made a serious and costly error when in 1864 he refused the suggestion of General Patrick Cleburne that the Confederate employ black troops in its forces in return for their freedom if they survived the war. Only in January 1865 after a further recommendation by General Lee to the Confederate Congress to permit the enlistment of black soldiers was a document si gned (Order 14) allowing this to happen. The lateness of this decision meant that that war was almost over before considerable black enlistment by Confederate forces could begin. Consequently, this failure of the Confederate was one of the most serious of the entire war and expedited their defeat. * * * * * The Union’s victory in the Civil War was much aided by the failure of European nations to give diplomatic recognition to the cause of the Confederacy. European recognition of the independence of the Confederacy would have enabled the southern states to call upon European nations to intervene in the civil war to uphold the Confederation’s right to independence. It was vital therefore for the North that this did not happen; fighting European forces as well as the Confederation armies would have seriously injured their chances of success. The decision of European nations to recognize the Confederacy has been attributed to several factors. Firstly, the North’s own diplomats proved highly successful in presenting their case to the European powers. This diplomacy was often forceful; W. H. Steward, Secretary of State, for instance instructed C. F. Adams, Minister to England, to warn the British to avoid ‘fraternizing with our domestic enemy’ lest they risked an Anglo-American war. A key diplomatic strategy of the North was then to present the South as rebels who had no legitimate rights to independence. Historians argue further that widespread sympathy amongst Europeans for black slaves meant that they were further disinclined to interfere in the civil war (Roberts, 1987). Unseen and unpredicted factors too such as crises in Denmark and Poland distracted the attention of Europe away from the American conflict. The continued failure of the Confederate forces to win consecutive battles meant that they co uld not convince European nations that the south could maintain its independence if granted – and European nations were never likely to militarily or economically back an unsuccessful war. The failure of the Confederate states to win European diplomatic recognition had much to do with the failures of their own diplomatic strategies. At the outset of the war the South predicted that since Britain depended heavily upon exports of southern cotton to sustain their own economy, that when the Union’s navy blockaded the export of this cotton Britain would be forced to intervene in the war. This intervention would ensure victory for the South and supply them with international recognition for their independence. Despite these predictions however Britain failed to enter the conflict and instead declared its neutrality in light of the blockade, as later did all other European nations. Britain had extended to the Confederation ‘belligerent status’ whereby it could draw international loans and trade internationally, but this fell far short of the military intervention and declaration of independence that the South had expected (Crook, 1975). What is more, Brita in had by its decision not to interfere militarily effectively condoned the blockade of the southern states by the North. Thus the effects of the British and European decision not to intervene were twofold for the Confederation. In practical terms, the South now had to confront the North alone and on an immensely more difficult single front. Psychologically, the morale and legitimacy of the secession had been bruised and damaged, and international approval effectively granted to the North. * * * * * This essay must end with the point with which it began: no single reason was totally decisive for the North’s victory in the American Civil War. That said, President Lincoln’s unique leadership and the superior industrial resources and manpower of the North were finally the most dominant reasons. In the aftermath of the first Bull Run in 1861 the Union’s forces were disillusioned and there was a danger that they would disintegrate because they had failed to seize the fast and easy victory that many had predicted they would. It required a man of President Lincoln’s personality, stamina, skill and vision to solidify the Union forces and to foster their perseverance through the long war which he knew was ahead. Lincoln himself was this unifying force: he was an emblem for the Presidency for the Constitution and for democracy. The supremacy of the North’s resources and manpower had been checked at the outset of the war by the need to attack the Confeder ate strongholds whereby the North consumed resources far faster than the South; yet despite this initial failure to make the advantage tell, these resources did finally overwhelm the Confederate defenders. Serious political and tactical errors by the Confederate during the Civil War meant that any slim chance of victory they had at the outset was washed away soon after the conflict began. The prohibition of black slaves from serving in Confederate forces and the delayed and ineffective introduction of conscription cost the South its opportunity to compensate for the North’s superior man power. Likewise, the political assumption that Britain and other European powers would move to break the Union naval blockade and so proclaim the legitimate independence of the South backfired disastrously. Once these errors had been committed and the North’s advantages handled effectively by Lincoln victory was assured. BIBLIOGRAPHY Belz, H. (1998). Abraham Lincoln, Constitutionalism and Equal Rights During the Civil War Era.  Fordham University Press, New York. Crook, D. P. (1975). Diplomacy During the American Civil War. Wiley, London. Curt, J. McLaughlin, M. (1977). Battles of the American Civil War. Sampson Low,  Maidenhead. Fuller, J.F.C. (1941). Conscription entry in Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.6, p.282-6. London. Fuller, J. F. C. (1956). Decisive Battles of the Western World and Their Influence Upon History/From the American Civil War to the End of the Second World War. Cassel Co, London. Gallagher, G, W. (1997). The Confederate War. Harvard University Press, Massachusetts. Gienapp, W. E. (2003). Abraham Lincoln and Civil War America. Oxford University Press,  Oxford. Glatthaar, J. T. (1996). The Civil War’s Black Soldiers. Eastern National Park and Monument  Association, Conshohocken. Hattaway, H. (1983). How the North Won: A Military History of the Civil War. Urbana, Illinois. McPherson, J. (1998). Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War. Oxford  University Press, Oxford. McPherson, J. (1982). The Negro’s Civil War: How Negroes Felt and Acted During the War for   the Union. Urbana, University of Illinois Press. McPherson, J. (1984). Lincoln and the Strategy of Unconditional Surrender. Gettysburg  College, Gettysburg.   Moore, A, B. (1963) Conscription and the Conflict in the Confederacy. University of South  Carolina Press. Roberts, J, M. (1987) The Penguin History of the World. Harmondsworth, Penguin. Tripp, C.A. (2005) The Intimate World of Abraham Lincoln. Free Press, London. Tulloch, H. (1999). The Debate on the American Civil War Era. Manchester University Press,  Manchester. Westwood, H, C. (1992). Black Troops, White Commanders, and Freedom During the Civil War;   (With a Forward by John Y. Simon). Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale. Footnotes [1] The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 5. Letter to Horace Greely, p388. [2] Words spoken by President Lincoln after the surrender at Fort Sumter April 14th, 1861. [3] The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln edited by Roy P. Basler, Volume IV, Speech at Cleveland, Ohio  (February 15, 1861), p. 216. [4] General Blunt after the defeat of General Douglas Cooper at Honey Springs July 17th, 1863.

A Book Review On: Nothing To Fear By Adam Cohen

Cohen, an editorial writer at The New York Times, makes extensive use of both primary and secondary sources to unmask the clear, compelling story of how the prevailing circumstances of the nation – together with the attitude of its political leaders – reshaped American society in so brief period of time.Franklin Delano Roosevelt faced extraordinary economic challenges when he assumed the presidency of the United States in March 1933.Nothing to fear reveals by Adam Cohen explains in vivid prose of the decisive first 100 days of Franklin delevaro Roosevelt in office at the worst moments of America which coincidentally was the era of great depression. A remarkable, timely and informative blue print for political firststarts, it shows how 5 inner-circle liberals jumpstarted those remarkably historic first 100 days of Roosevelt in office.He and the inner circle members initiated the new deal and launched the delivery of modern America. The book is simply the evaluation of th e watershed in the modern America and it is a reality of the pivotal days in modern America; the crisis-ridden first 100 days of FDR in office .FDR and the inner circle wiped the old order and replaced it with new order i.e. the government acceptance and execution of her responsibilities.At this time in history, , there was 85% drop in stock market,25% of Americans had lost their jobs and banks had gone on holidays to prevent further crises ,farmers were openly angry and hungry men and women were eaten from refuse and garbages.40% of Americans at this point were living on agriculture and   farm income had decreased by 40%.Those who had jobs   were struggling for sustainace on their wages.Those who picked cotton in Arizona were reportedly collecting 30 cents after a week’s job excluding the food and housing payment. The period also witnessed close to 90% of school children being underweight while another percentage being malnourished.Radicalism and â€Å"hunger matchesâ⠂¬  by the jobless were on the increase both in the urban and the sacred rural American farm belt.Rooselvelt on assuming office charted a different pathway from that of his predecessor-Herbert Hoover. Hoover had turned deaf ears to the hues and cries of Americans.His approach was an absolute privatization of all sectors of the economy with no favor to the poor .His wickedness was later revenged by Americans when they made epithet of his name. Hoover lost the 1932 election to Roosevelt and managed to win only 6 states.In his introduction, Cohen tactically gave a summary of the first Hundred Days:While the public story line of the Hundred Days was about how Roosevelt, through his eloquent public statements and legislative initiatives rallied a desperate nation, behind the scenes his advisers were battling over what shape the New Deal would take. Perkins, Wallace, and Hopkins worked with members of Congress, farm leaders, union officials, and other progressives to promote their agenda .Douglas worked with business leaders and other conservatives to pull Roosevelt in the opposite direction. In the first month of the Hundred Days, through the passage of the Economy Act, Douglas’s side prevailed. For the rest of the Hundred Days, Perkins’s side did. While Douglas won the early battles, Perkins, Wallace, and Hopkins won the war.America According to Cohen in the early part of the book, there is a gradual metamorphosis of the great depression into a real and full blown financial and social collapse .After these 100days, FDR had reached a full blown acceptance of responsibilities to the needs and warfare of Americans.He worked with the 5 members of the inner circle to bring transformation to America. He relied on their pieces of advice and preferred if it is conflicting so as to be able to choose the best.   On assuming office, FDR came with few plans to combat the great depression. The inner circle encouraged FDR to embrace activist agendas.FDR was a fi scal conservative as well as a pragmatic politician .For this, he had close relationship with Frances Perkin and Lewis Douglas who were advocate of social warfare programs and cutter of budget respectively. In most cases, Douglas was at odds with other FDR’s members .FDR being not ideological, preferred varieties and a policy that is â€Å"bold, persistent experimental.† He featured in the most feverish and agitated period of America history that brings about the modern America.Nothing to fear is an attention holding, fascinating account of the personal dynamics that realign the catastrophic early period of FDR’s relationship and a character X-ray of one of America’s distinctive leaders in a period of crises. However, Cohen points us to the political blunders of this period over warfare situation, government laws, agricultural policy, and according to him they are still with us till today.

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What Makes A City - 1088 Words

What makes a city? There are many thing that makes a city a city and a society a civilization. There are many definitions for civilization and I think the most correct it that a civilization is an advanced society. Most archaeologists use the term complex societies instead of civilizations. This essay discusses how complex societies are made up of several characteristics like dense populations, substance base, craft production, monumental architecture, taxation and some civilizations even had writing. All of these things go hand in hand with each other. This essay will also discuss city-states and what characteristics they have in common and what they don’t have in common. Population density is found in all of the civilizations.†¦show more content†¦When bureaucrats come in there is a rise in the social elite. The social elite were mostly made up of religious figures, military as well as civil leaders and of course the bureaucrats. This is where monumental architectu re come in. Monumental architecture could be anything. It could be a religious temple or a palace or even a warehouse. Most monumental architecture was dedicated to someone like a king or a god. When long distance trade starting to occur and more craft goods being produced, you need a way to keep a record of all the items and trades. The creation of writing was what helped with this. Writing kept the bureaucrats informed and kept a record of the trades that occurred. (Smiley 2015: Unit 1). All of these aspects are a part of a civilization and there are many more. Every society of the world was a civilization and every civilization had a city. A city-state is a part of a civilization but is independent. One example is the civilization Mesopotamia had city-states that were all independent of each other. City-states share a lot of the same traits like a civilizations but on a smaller scale. There was craft production, a centralized political and religious bureaucracies and trading. 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